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American Muslim Poll 2018

Pride and Prejudice

Our annual poll returns for a third year to measure the attitudes and policy preferences that impact the lives of American Muslims across faith communities, including results from Catholics, Protestants, Jews, white Evangelicals, and the non-affiliated. The results of this poll could not come at a more critical time, as one year into the Trump presidency, Americans have witnessed three iterations of a so-called “Muslim ban,” had their president retweet three inflammatory videos portraying Muslims as monsters, and heard him say a rally involving Nazis and Confederate symbols where one counter-protester was killed had “good people.” Americans of all backgrounds also crowded airports to protest a travel ban on people from a number of Muslim-majority nations. The Women’s March, co-organized by four women, including Linda Sarsour, a visibly Muslim woman, became the largest demonstration ever in America. And hijab-wearing Olympic fencer Ibtihaj Muhammad was immortalized with a Barbie doll.

A group of protesters at the 2017 No Muslim Ban Protests in DC

In this report, we set out to measure the level of public anti-Muslim sentiment in its most impactful manifestations and, in collaboration with Georgetown’s The Bridge Initiative, developed the first-ever annual Islamophobia Index (II). The report measures the Islamophobia Index among American Muslims, too, as well as the degree to which Muslims have accepted ideas of collective blame, shame, and alienation. This analysis doesn’t stop at shame—it also measures pride, joy, and confidence in one’s faith identity across communities and how these sentiments are linked to civic engagement and national identity.

Finally, the poll explores the views of Muslim women. What, in reality, are American Muslim women’s biggest challenges and fears? How do they feel about their faith and community? If they wear hijab, what are their reasons for doing so?

Do you need reliable, representative, quantitative data on American Muslims? ISPU can help by providing space for purchase on our annual poll at a fraction of the cost of conducting this type of survey yourself. Contact info@ispu.org for more information.

Report & Key Findings

Supplementary Documents

Appendix I: Methodology

Appendix II: Questionnaire

Appendix III: Data Tables

Secondary Analyses

Which Muslims Voted for Trump?

What’s the Hidden Story Behind American Muslim Poverty?

Born in the USA: How Nativity Affects the American Muslim Experience

To Have and To Hold: Interfaith Marriage Just as Common among Muslim Americans as Christians

DEEP DIVE

American Muslim Philanthropy

American Muslim Poll 2018: Pride and Prejudice included a broad range of survey questions aimed at uncovering American Muslims’ philanthropic practices and motivations. This report and infographic present the data and findings from the section on Muslim charitable giving in the 2018 survey.

8 insights into American Muslim giving infographic

Videos

American Muslim Poll 2018 showed most Americans overwhelmingly support civil rights for Muslims. But Islamophobia does exist in the margins of our society—and it isn’t just a problem for Americans who are Muslim.

ISPU Director of Research Dalia Mogahed presents key findings from American Muslim Poll 2018 at the National Press Club. This summary is followed by a discussion with moderator Mehdi Hasan and panelists John Esposito, Kameelah M. Rashad, and Jim Wallis.

Infographics

Dive into the Data

Click here to download all 34 graphs, figures, and tables from our 2018 survey.

Muslim satisfaction with the way things are going in the country is down, but voter registration is up.

Muslims are among the most likely to reject violence.

Tolerance for authoritarianism varies among Americans of different faiths.

Most Americans support Muslim civil rights.

Anti-Muslim sentiment is linked to approval of violence, authoritarianism, and discriminatory policies.

Muslims experience the most religious discrimination.

Piety and identity are the top reasons given for wearing hijab.

Internalized Islamophobia causes some Muslims to feel shame.

Most Muslims identify strongly with America and express pride and happiness in their faith identity.

American Muslim philanthropic practices and motivations

Figure 1: Two pie graphs showing that Muslim giving is primarily motivated by religious obligation and the sense that those with more should help those with less

Dive into the Data

Click here to download all 34 graphs, figures, and tables from our 2018 survey.

  • Figure 1: A bar graph showing that Muslim satisfaction with the direction of the country has declined over time (63% in 2016, 41% in 2017, 27% in 2018)
  • Figure 2: A bar graph showing that Muslim women (17%) and Black Muslims (16%) are the least satisfied with the direction of the country
  • Figure 3: A bar graph showing that Muslims (13%) and the non-affiliated (17%) are the least likely to approve of Donald Trump
  • Figure 4: A bar graph showing that Muslim voter registration has climbed since 2016 (from 60% to 75%)
  • Figure 5: A bar graph showing that Muslims (71%) are the most likely to reject military attacks on civilians
  • Figure 6: A bar graph showing that Muslims, Jews, and the non-affiliated are the most likely to reject individual attacks on civilians
  • Figure 7: A bar graph showing that the non-affiliated (11%) and Jews (19%) are the least likely to support censorship of the press in the wake of a terror attack
  • Figure 8: A bar graph showing that the non-affiliated (7%) are the least willing to suspend government checks and balances
  • Figure 9: A bar graph showing that most Americans want to live in a country where no one is targeted for their religious identity
  • Figure 10: A bar graph showing that most Americans believe negative political rhetoric toward Muslims is harmful to the US
  • Figure 11: A bar graph showing that most Americans oppose banning the building of mosques
  • Figure 12: A bar graph showing that Muslims (75%) and the non-affiliated (77%) are the most likely to oppose surveilling US mosques
  • Figure 13: A bar graph showing that Muslims (84%) and the non-affiliated (85%) are the most likely to oppose the Muslim ban
  • Figure 14: A bar graph showing that most Americans believe Muslims are committed to the well-being of America
  • Figure 15: A bar graph showing that most Americans believe Muslims are no more responsible for violence carried out by a Muslim than anyone else
  • Figure 16: A bar graph showing that most Americans believe Muslims face discrimination because of their faith
  • Figure 18: A bar graph showing Muslims (61%) experience the most religious discrimination
  • Figure 19: A bar graph showing that Muslim women (69%), Arabs (73%), and young people (66%) are the most likely to experience religious discrimination
  • Figure 20: A bar graph showing that Muslim women (75%) and young people (75%) are most likely to experience racial discrimination
  • Figure 21: A bar graph showing that Muslim women experience more religious, racial discrimination but same level of gender discrimination as women in the general public
  • Figure 22: A bar graph showing that Muslims (62%) and Jews (45%) are the most likely faith groups to believe others negatively stereotype their faith
  • Figure 23: A bar graph showing Muslim women (46%) are the most likely to wear an identifying religious symbol
  • Figure 24: A bar showing showing that piety (54%) and identity (21%) are the top reasons that Muslim women wear hijab
  • Figure 25: A bar graph showing that Muslims (62%) and Jews (59%) are the most likely to feel personally ashamed of violence committed by co-religionists
  • Figure 26: A bar graph showing Muslims (30%) are the most likely faith group to believe co-religionists are more prone to negative behavior
  • Figure 28: A bar graph showing that Americans of all backgrounds consider their American identity important
  • Figure 29: A bar graph showing that, unlike age peers, young Muslims (91%) are as likely as older Muslims (90-91%) to say religion is important to their identity
  • An arrow graphic showing American religious groups rated on the Islamophobia Index: Non-affiliated (14), Muslim (17), Jewish (22), Catholic (22), General Public (24), Protestant (31), White Evangelical (40)
  • A graphic showing that a higher Islamophobia Index is linked to greater acceptance of military/individual targeting of civilians, greater acceptance of authoritarian attitudes, greater support for discriminatory policies such as the Muslim ban and surveillance of mosques
  • A graphic showing that Muslims who score higher on the Islamophobia Index are more likely to support authoritarian policies, more likely to support discriminatory policies toward Muslims, more likely to condone military/individual attacks on civilians, less likely to support protecting Muslim civil rights, less likely to think American Muslims are committed to American well-being, but are no more likely than other Muslims to identify strongly with America
  • A graphic showing that a higher Pride Index among Muslims is linked to increased civic engagement, agreement Muslims are committed to American well-being, a higher religious identity, a higher American identity, frequenting mosques more often, and less likely to support restrictive measures like the Muslim ban, surveillance of mosques, and mosque ban
  • A table showing data on the Islamophobia Index
  • A table showing that native-born Muslims are more likely than foreign-born Muslims to report religious, racial, and gender discrimination
  • A table showing the Pride Index of American faith groups
  • Figure 1: Two pie graphs showing that Muslim giving is primarily motivated by religious obligation and the sense that those with more should help those with less
  • Figure 2: A bar graph showing the most Muslims spend on house of worship within their faith community and on domestic poverty outside their faith community
  • Figure 3: A bar graph showing that houses of worship are the top recipients of Muslim giving
  • Figure 4: A bar graph showing that Muslims are as likely as other faith groups to give to their houses of worship
  • Figure 5: A bar graph showing Muslims are as likely as other faith groups to donate to overseas relief efforts
  • Figure 6: A bar graph showing that when giving outside their faith community, most Muslims give to Domestic Poverty alleviation
  • Figure 7: A bar graph showing that Muslims are the most likely faith group to donate to domestic poverty outside their faith community
  • Figure 8: A pie graph showing that the majority of Muslims donate less than $1000 annually to charitable causes
  • Figure 9: A bar graph showing that Muslims are less likely than other faith groups to donate at the highest annual total dollar level

In the News

In the News

Meet the Research Team

Dalia Mogahed

Dalia Mogahed

Report Co-Author

Director of Research, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Youssef Chouhoud

Youssef Chouhoud

Data Analyst & Report Co-Author

PhD Candidate and Provost’s Fellow at University of Southern California’s Political Science and International Relations Program

Sarrah Buageila

Sarrah Buageila

Project Manager, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Katherine Coplen

Katherine Coplen

Senior Communications Manager, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Katie Grimes

Katie Grimes

Communication & Creative Media Specialist, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Meet the Study Advisors

Khaled Beydoun

Khaled Beydoun

JD, UCLA School of Law

Associate Professor of Law, University of Detroit Mercy School of Law

Senior Affiliated Faculty, University of California-Berkeley Islamophobia Research & Documentation Project

Emile Bruneau

Emile Bruneau

PhD, Neuroscience, University of Michigan

Research Associate and Lecturer, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania

Karam Dana

Karam Dana

PhD, Interdisciplinary Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Washington

Assistant Professor, University of Washington School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences

David Dutwin

David Dutwin

Executive Vice President and Chief Methodologist, SSRS

2016 Conference Chair, AAPOR Executive Council

Research Scholar, Institute for Jewish and Community Research

John Esposito

John Esposito

PhD, Temple University

Professor of Religion, International Affairs, and Islamic Studies, Georgetown University

Founding Director, Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding in the Walsh School of Foreign Service

Rachel Gillum

Rachel M. Gillum

PhD, Political Science, Stanford University

Visiting Scholar, Stanford University

Fellow, Association for Analytic Learning about Islam and Muslim Societies

Amaney Jamal

Amaney Jamal

PhD, Political Science, University of Michigan

Edwards S. Sanford Professor of Politics, Princeton University

Director, Mamdouha S. Bobst Center for Peace and Justice

Director, Workshop on Arab Political Development

President, Association of Middle East Women’s Studies (AMEWS)

Kameelah Rashad

Kameelah Mu’Min Rashad

MS, MRP, MEd

Founder and President, Muslim Wellness Foundation

Interfaith Fellow for Spirituality, Wellness & Social Justice, University of Pennsylvania

PsyD candidate, Clinical Psychology, Chestnut Hill College

Meet the Research Team

Dalia Mogahed

Dalia Mogahed

Report Co-Author

Director of Research, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Youssef Chouhoud

Youssef Chouhoud

Data Analyst & Report Co-Author

PhD Candidate and Provost’s Fellow at University of Southern California’s Political Science and International Relations Program

Sarrah Buageila

Sarrah Buageila

Project Manager, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Katherine Coplen

Katherine Coplen

Senior Communications Manager, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Katie Grimes

Katie Grimes

Communication & Creative Media Specialist, Institute for Social Policy and Understanding

Meet the Study Advisors

Khaled Beydoun

Khaled Beydoun

JD, UCLA School of Law

Associate Professor of Law, University of Detroit Mercy School of Law

Senior Affiliated Faculty, University of California-Berkeley Islamophobia Research & Documentation Project

Emile Bruneau

Emile Bruneau

PhD, Neuroscience, University of Michigan

Research Associate and Lecturer, Annenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania

Karam Dana

Karam Dana

PhD, Interdisciplinary Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Washington

Assistant Professor, University of Washington School of Interdisciplinary Arts and Sciences

David Dutwin

David Dutwin

Executive Vice President and Chief Methodologist, SSRS

2016 Conference Chair, AAPOR Executive Council

Research Scholar, Institute for Jewish and Community Research

John Esposito

John Esposito

PhD, Temple University

Professor of Religion, International Affairs, and Islamic Studies, Georgetown University

Founding Director, Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding in the Walsh School of Foreign Service

Rachel Gillum

Rachel M. Gillum

PhD, Political Science, Stanford University

Visiting Scholar, Stanford University

Fellow, Association for Analytic Learning about Islam and Muslim Societies

Amaney Jamal

Amaney Jamal

PhD, Political Science, University of Michigan

Edwards S. Sanford Professor of Politics, Princeton University

Director, Mamdouha S. Bobst Center for Peace and Justice

Director, Workshop on Arab Political Development

President, Association of Middle East Women’s Studies (AMEWS)

Kameelah Rashad

Kameelah Mu’Min Rashad

MS, MRP, MEd

Founder and President, Muslim Wellness Foundation

Interfaith Fellow for Spirituality, Wellness & Social Justice, University of Pennsylvania

PsyD candidate, Clinical Psychology, Chestnut Hill College

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