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INTRODUCTION

The Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU) has been tracking Islamophobia since 2018. ISPU’s Islamophobia Index measures the level of agreement with five tropes about Muslims that are shown to be linked to support for anti-Muslim policies. The Islamophobia Index ranges from zero to 100, with higher scores indicating greater Islamophobia. Since 2018, we have found relatively stable levels of Islamophobia among the general public, with a score of 24 in 2018, 28 in 2019, 27 in 2020, and 25 in 2022. These data suggest that Islamophobia is not a one-off problem, rather it is a deeply rooted problem that requires strategic and evidence-based education and counteraction to resolve. 

The first step toward countering Islamophobia is to better understand it. In an effort to do this, ISPU analyzed Islamophobia Index scores among American subgroups, revealing that some groups score higher or lower on the Index than others. When looking at Islamophobia by race/ethnicity in 2019, we found that Latino Americans have significantly lower levels of Islamophobia compared with white and Black Americans (23 vs. 28 and 33, respectively).¹ Through this study we sought to employ a positive deviance approach to understand how and why Latino Americans stand out from others with more positive behavior (lower Islamophobia). 

According to recent Census Bureau estimates, nearly one-fifth (19%) of the U.S. population is of Hispanic origin. Studying Islamophobia among a group that represents such a significant portion of the population will present possible solutions and strategies that can then be applied to the rest of the population. 

Just as the Latino population in the U.S. has grown and continues to grow, the proportion of Latino Muslims is also growing. According to ISPU’s American Muslim Poll, 9% of American Muslims self-identified as Latino in 2020, compared with 5% in 2017. This growth points to possible increases in Latino-Muslim interactions. In fact, ISPU’s 2019 American Muslim Poll found that Latino Americans were more likely than white and Black Americans to know a Muslim personally (see Table 3). Greater intersectionality between the two American communities warrants more research on Latino views of Muslims. 

Finally, we understand that Latino Americans, like American Muslims, are not a monolith. They are ethnically and geographically diverse and, also like Muslims, include various immigrant, generational, and citizenship statuses in the United States. Research into whether and where there are differences in views of Muslims by various subsets of Latino Americans will aid our understanding of where the positive deviance lies. 

ISPU was proud to partner with IslamInSpanish in this important research project. IslamInSpanish is the preeminent outreach and education organization on Islam in the Spanish language, reaching millions of Latinos in the US and Latin America with accurate information about the beliefs and Islamic roots found within the Latino culture. This research sought to inform their educational and audiovisual material with evidence.  

The research team made thoughtful consideration as to the language to use when recruiting participants, conducting interviews, and writing this report, in particular around the decision to use ‘Latino’ vs. ‘Latinx.’ The decision to use ‘Latino’ is based on the following points: First, it represents how the community refers to itself as a group. Over the course of fifteen years of polling, for example, Pew Research Center has consistently found that Latinos do not have a preference between the use of Hispanic and Latino as a pan-ethnic term to refer to the group (Pew 2020). In addition, just 3% use the term Latinx to identify themselves and only one-quarter of U.S. Hispanics have heard the term ‘Latinx’. Additionally, some critics have called into question the term’s origin among English speakers in the United States (Pew 2020). In light of this research and ongoing debates about the use of Latinx, we decided to use the term Latino. 

What follows is a synthesis of our research on Latino views of Muslims and Islam. We summarize our findings in each section as well as provide direct quotes as evidence that illustrate our conclusions.² After the results, we offer recommendations for stakeholders and future research.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Why this research?

According to the U.S. Census, just under 20% of Americans are Latino, a sizable proportion of the American public.³ Demographic data from ISPU’s American Muslim Poll finds that 9% of Muslims in the United States are Latino. In fact, IslamInSpanish, an organization that educates the Latino community about Islam, finds that Latinos are the fastest growing ethnic group embracing Islam (Abeyta 2023). ⁴  In previous research, ISPU found that Latinos have lower levels of Islamophobia than other racial and ethnic groups in the United States.⁵ These  demographic trends coupled with the lower levels of Islamophobia found among this population motivate this research, which examines why Latinos have lower levels of Islamophobia compared to the general public as well as what explains the persistence of even low levels of Islamophobia within this community.  

Methodology

This report presents a qualitative assessment of Latinos’ attitudes about American Muslims and Islam based on a two-stage study that consisted of nine in-depth, semi-structured interviews with Latinos, including two Latino Muslims and nine focus groups with a diverse cross section of participants from the Latino community in the United States. The interviews and focus groups were conducted online between December 2022 and May 2023. 

Results

Our research found several themes that can help us understand Latinos’ lower levels of Islamophobia. Broadly speaking, Latinos exhibited lower levels of Islamophobia when they perceived themselves as having similar life experiences to or personal interactions with American Muslims. Commonality emerged across different themes, including experiences with discrimination, partaking in the immigrant experience and aspirations of the American dream, negative media portrayals, and everyday interactions with American Muslims. Religiosity was also important, but these results were nuanced. We found that some religious participants perceived their shared faiths as a point of unity, while others saw it as a point of difference between themselves and American Muslims.

Our research also identified that, despite lower levels of Islamophobia among Latinos, Islamophobia persists within this community. Perceived misogyny is a key factor that explains its persistence. This report delves into multiple subthemes that explain how misogyny structures Latinos’ Islamophobia, including perceptions of patriarchy in Islam, perceptions that women lack autonomy, and comparisons to machismo culture in the Latino community. In addition, negative stereotypes that cast American Muslims as violent or terrorists continue to shape prejudice among Latinos. Our participants identified the media as the primary institution that perpetuates these negative stereotypes. 

We conclude our report with several recommendations regarding future research and messaging to mitigate Islamophobia. We recommend conducting similar focus groups among Asian Americans, who are the fastest growing immigrant group in the United States. Comparing Latinos to Asian Americans would help further unpack how the experiences of immigrants and their descendants shape Islamophobia. We also suggest developing new survey questions that measure the multiple ways that misogyny shapes Islamophobia. Finally, to mitigate Islamophobia, we recommend developing materials and programming that provide information about American Muslims to Latinos and facilitate interactions between Latinos and American Muslims. Our study participants often had limited knowledge about American Muslims, yet they were receptive to updating their beliefs based on exposure to video clips about Islam and women who wear a hijab, and conversation with Latinos who are Muslim.

Results

The results are broken down into three sections that illustrate our key findings. We identified factors that explain Latinos’ relatively lower levels of Islamophobia, factors that explain how and in what ways Islamophobia persists, and factors that can mitigate Islamophobia. We summarize our findings in each section as well as provide direct quotes as evidence that illustrate our conclusions.⁶ After the results, we offer recommendations for stakeholders and future research.

Factors contributing to lower levels of Islamophobia among Latinos

Our research identified several themes in the interviews and focus groups that allow us to unpack why Latinos have relatively lower levels of Islamophobia. Broadly speaking, our participants exhibited lower levels of Islamophobia when they perceived themselves as having similar life experiences to American Muslims. The most common mechanisms through which Latinos made these connections were experiences with discrimination, the immigrant experience and aspirations of the American dream, and negative media portrayals of both groups. In addition, we found that everyday interactions with American Muslims played an important role in shaping Latinos’ attitudes. Religiosity was also an important theme, but these results were more nuanced. Some religious participants perceived their faiths as a point of unity. Other religious participants viewed their faiths as a point of difference.

Theme 1: Experiences with discrimination

The first theme that contributes to lower levels of Islamophobia among Latinos is the perception that both groups have similar experiences with discrimination in the United States. We found that participants identified this as a point of commonality between Latinos and Muslims when we asked them directly about experiences with discrimination but also in other contexts. Participants expressed this view when we asked them what they think of when they hear the word Muslim as well as when asked about whether Latinos and Muslims can work together to solve problems. The prominence of this theme in the interview and focus group transcripts leads us to conclude that it is a foundational component of Latinos’ lower levels of Islamophobia.  

The following statements illustrate how our participants talked about common experiences with discrimination and being part of a racialized minority group. As one focus group participant stated in response to a word association exercise, “…[when] I think about [the word] Muslim…I just think of another brown person. I’m like, oh, that’s another person who’s brown like me… that’s my association.” In another focus group, a participant responded in the following way when asked whether Latinos and Muslims could work together on common issues: 

Inequality, I would say…we [are] both treated like we’re the underdogs. So we have similarities in the way we’re seen and treated. So yeah, we can work together. …  I could see them and us working together (Man, age 49). 

Other participants express a similar sentiment to this question. In our second focus group, which was a group of six women, we observed the following exchange: 

Discrimination. We all feel discrimination. We all have stereotypes. Latinos, Muslims, we face discrimination in some type of way. For example, women as a whole. You know whether we are Muslim, Catholic, Christian…we’re all oppressed in a way (Woman, age 30). 

[In response, another participant said:] And you know that’s why I said unity first [referring back to a previous response]. Because there is power in unity … [it’s] so important to be able to come together (Woman, age 59).

[Following participant 2’s response, a third participant said:] I think the same. … Our main concern is discrimination. We all … face discrimination. And if we have a common goal…it would be to eliminate or try to eliminate the discrimination that we face, you know, every day as a group (Woman, age 59). 

Participants in focus groups five and six expressed similar sentiments that discrimination was a point of commonality between Latinos and Muslims and that discrimination against Muslims was rooted in negative stereotypes. For example, a participant stated: 

I feel like discrimination. We [can] work together because [people] discriminate [against] Muslims and they discriminate [against] Latino people. … We could communicate and work something out where we … make people see that we’re not bad people, and they can show exactly how Muslim people are … and how similar we are, and that there is no need for the hate that we get (Woman, age 25). 

Theme 2: Partaking the immigrant experience and the American dream

We found that our participants often made connections between their experiences as immigrants, and the experiences of American Muslims. Typically, this connection was framed by drawing on the idea of the American dream and its themes, including desires for liberty and freedom, being financially stable, and the opportunity to make a better life for oneself and one’s family through hard work. Interestingly, participants did not perceive a common immigrant experience through a political lens. For example, few participants mentioned similarities between rhetoric about undocumented immigrants and attempts to ban Muslims from entering the United States. Similarly, when asked about whether Latinos and Muslims could work together to solve common problems, participants did not mention immigration. These findings suggest to us that Latinos perceive common immigrant experience with American Muslims based on cultural and social factors rather than political factors. 

The following statements from participants demonstrate the various ways that Latinos perceived the immigrant experience as a point of commonality with American Muslims. One participant, for example, mentioned that Latinos and Muslims are Americans who aspire to the same values and ideals.

[When asked about similarities between Latinos and Muslims]: First of all, we’re both Americans. [The thing about] being an American is that it’s not really a race or a specific religion. It’s just a bunch of group[s] of people who loosely believe in the same kind of system, like democracy, freedom, individual liberty, and all that (Man, age 24).

Another participant discussed a desire to have the American dream through financial stability, ties to their country of origin, and family.

They wanted to have, you know, their own American dream as well [as] be a homeowner [and] be well set financially. They also communicated frequently with their family, and they have strong ties back to their country of origin, so I feel that they were no different from anybody else (Woman, age 45).

In some instances, our participants drew these connections based on their interactions with American Muslims, reflecting the importance of exposure and interaction for perceiving commonalities with American Muslims. 

I have neighbors that are Muslims, too, and they go to the pool. … You know they live normal lives. They are not different from everybody else. So, sometimes, we have misconceptions about the religion. … They also come to work. They come to have a better life for whatever reason. They [are] also leaving their countries for political situations. That’s why they come here, just like everybody else (Woman, age 37).

Theme 3: Interactions with American Muslims and people from different backgrounds

Our research also found that interactions with American Muslims and people from different backgrounds was an important factor that led Latinos to express positive views of American Muslims. This finding is consistent with academic research on the contact hypothesis (Allport 1954), which has demonstrated that interacting with people from different groups can attenuate prejudicial attitudes (Abrams, McGaughey, and Haghighat 2018). ⁷ 

The participants in our study interacted with American Muslims across multiple institutional contexts, including school, work, and the neighborhoods where they live. Exposure to different cultures is an important factor that shapes Latinos’ attitudes about Muslims. 

As one participant stated: 

I grew up in Georgia [in] Gwinnett which is kind of known for having a Koreatown. Since then, I went to school, first in Marietta, which has a pretty large Black population, and then, well, one thing that I’ve noticed here at [my university] is that there’s a lot of Indians. So [there’s] a lot of Hindus and Muslims. I’ve just generally been exposed to many different cultures growing up. … I grew up around a lot of Italians [and] Pakistani people … and [it’s] the same as … communicating with another Hispanic person for me … I don’t even think about language. I don’t think about religion. I just look at the person as a human being, you know (Man, age 24). 

 Another person talked about how their interactions at work were important for how they perceived American Muslims. She stated: 

I actually used to work with them. It was [a] woman, the one that I work with, and I learned a lot about [Muslims]. What we have in mind sometimes is just kind of like what we hear from people. But when you actually interact …You see that they’re very normal people. … They’re more by the book when it comes down to religion, like the women, are covered because they’re protected, because the Bible and the Quran say that women [are] supposed to be protected. … Because of that, they … decide to cover themselves. The men don’t force them. … They’re just more by the book compared to other religions (Woman, sage 37). 

Some participants also talked about their experiences with friends converting to Islam and how they supported them. For example, in one focus group, we observed:

[Responding to a question about how they would react if someone close to them expressed an interest in converting:] … Like my friend married someone who was Muslim, and they felt like they had to convert in order to marry her. I will support them. … The practice [of religion] is different, but at the end of the day it is like one God (Woman, age 25). 

[A second participant responded:] I actually had a friend … that was marrying a girl from Malaysia and he converted to being Muslim, and he told me prior to doing that. And I feel very happy for him, because, as we say in Spanish, the salvation is individual (Woman, age 45).

Theme 4: Religion and religiosity as a source of commonality and positive attitudes

Some participants in our study viewed religion or their own religiosity as a source of commonality with American Muslims. These connections were made in a variety of ways. Some participants talked broadly about similarities they saw between themselves and American Muslims. Other participants identified specific similarities. 

The following statements show how participants identified broad similarities between themselves and American Muslims and Islam. In one focus group, for example, a participant stated:

[When discussing their husband’s colleague] I have had a lot of conversation with him about religion, and I’m Catholic, Christian, and I found out that we have a lot in common in our beliefs (Woman, age 59).

Similarly, a participant who said they had little knowledge about Islam was impressed by the faith and religiosity of Muslims. They stated: 

They believe in Allah, and … well, I don’t know much about the religion itself, but I do know that they’re very dedicated … I tell you I’m impressed by the dedication and the devotion that they show to their religion, and that in itself is a very interesting thing (Man, age 48).

Another participant similarly stated: 

So, from this side, without knowing much about their religion, I admire them because they are people who are faithful to their beliefs. They even seek at all costs to assert their rights. For example, I recently went through immigration, and I was taking a passport-type photo and they have a section in the passport-type photo, you have to [take your passport photo] without hair on your face. This must be uncovered for immigration purposes, and they have their exception: Muslims. Muslim women can go out with their [hijab] … that is something that they have fought for and they have asserted it. And I wish other religions or other, let’s say, customs were as faithful as they are to their beliefs. For me, they are admirable people, honestly (Woman, age 33).

We found that many participants perceived Islam as similar to other religions after they watched a short video that talked about the pillars of Islam. The following examples show how respondents talked about these similarities. 

It was pretty similar to me, like I said. It’s just like every religion has a different name for God. But I think for the most part, it was similar. You know Ramadan is like what we do, for, like, what Semana Santa [Holy Week] or Ash Wednesday, where you’re giving up something right? Or you’re fasting, you’re giving something up that you like, so it’s kind of pretty much the same (Woman, age 43).

Actually, it has a lot of similarities to the Christian religion. A lot of similarities (Man, age 49). 

The three religions [Islam, Christianity, and Judaism] … are extremely similar. … There’s just nuances that differentiate them. But ultimately they’re similar enough to anybody looking from the outside (Man, age 24). 

Well, what surprised me the most was what [she] said—the fasting, the willpower to go the whole day without eating. Regarding the other four, I see that there are things that other religions also have but with certain differences, right? For example, the annual 2.5 [% of savings required to give to charity (zakat)] seems like what some religions do, like tithing. What else? I think they see Jesus as a messenger; they respect him, but they don’t pray to Jesus. I understand that there are other religions that also do it that way. They don’t ask Jesus, but they do respect him (Woman, age 33).

Similarities in religion were also referenced to rebut negative stereotypes that Muslims are religious extremists. In one exchange during a focus group, we observed the following:

If you get rocked to death and then burned, and everything else, I mean, I will, I would say that’s extreme (Man, age 49). 

[A second participant responds:] … I think there’s definitely an extremist group, but I also believe that there is a peaceful group of Muslims. … It just depends on the route that you take, because Christians have the same sort of sections where it could be taken a little bit extreme, and then you have your everyday approach where people can follow Christianity a different way and the Muslim religion a different way (Man, age 23).

[A third participant responds:] [Muslims] are just like other people. They are not a monolith, right? You’re going to have some extremists. You’re going to have a lot of people who are more or less just normal people with different traditions and cultures (Man, age 24). 

Other evidence shows how our study participants made positive evaluations of Islam and American Muslims. One participant, for example, made references to purity and beauty when talking about American Muslims and Islam. She said: 

What I don’t mind from Muslims is that they have a kind of, from my point of view … they have a kind of purity. They believe in Mohammed. They believe in one God (Woman, age 59). 

Later, in the same focus group, this participant talked about how Muslim women are misunderstood and described wearing a hijab as beautiful. She said: 

The belief behind [wearing a hijab] can be a beautiful thing as long as the woman’s power is not taken away from them. I feel like … they are misunderstood to a certain degree (Woman, age 59).