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Distinguished
Chairman, Senator Richard G. Lugar and eminent members of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, it is indeed an honor to share my
expertise with this august body.
1. Islam is structurally a
dynamic religion and has always been epistemologically pluralistic. In
simple terms Islam has a built in mechanism for continuous evolution,
reform and self-rejuvenation through the engine of Ijtihad. Ijtihad is
a legal tool that enables Muslim jurists to think independently on
issues where scriptures are either silent or ambiguous. It is also a
divine invitation to all Muslims and all human beings to think,
reflect, and deliberate on God’s message and global realities in order
to act in the most gracious, most compassionate and most just fashion.
Ijtihad will always keep Islam relevant and meaningful to Muslims and
others who are fortunate to be blessed with its grace.
Muslims
have from the earliest period, after the death of the Prophet of Islam
[pbuh], interpreted Islam in many ways. There have been many
interpretations of what the Islamic Shariah – the essence of Islamic
message – constitutes, some even contradictory but Muslims have
recognized difference and diversity as a consequence of divine purpose
and developed a culture of tolerance for different manifestations and
interpretations of Islam.
So from the very beginning there have
been different interpretations of Islam, Shia and Sunni, rational and
traditional, mystical and philosophical, cultural and juristic. So it
is more accurate to talk about Islams rather than Islam. For academic
as well as strategic purposes, it is absolutely necessary to
distinguish between different Islams and not paint with a broad brush
for it will inevitably lead to bad analysis and bad policy.
2.
For the purposes of U.S.’ foreign policy however it is important to
distinguish between two broad competing historical tendencies within
Islamic tradition. These two tendencies can be captured as:
A
defensive mechanism that seeks to conserve, preserve, and defend
“Islam”, and eventually leads to narrow, combative, and often
intolerant interpretations of Islam and who a good Muslim is. In our
times we associate this tendency very strongly with Salafi and Wahhabi
groups. But we must be careful to recognize that religious intolerance
does not necessarily lead to political confrontation,violence,
terrorism and anti-Americanism. While Al Qaeda is definitely
Salafi-Wahhabi and is our enemy, the Saudi royal family and the Qataris
and the Kuwaitis are also mostly Salafi-Wahhabis but they are our
friends and allies. Most Jihadis are theologically Salafi Wahhabis, but
very few Salafi Wahhabis are jihadis.
The alternative is a more
liberal and compassionate, even mystical interpretation of Islam, which
is highly accommodating of difference within Islam and between
religions. It is compatible with democracy, religious pluralism and is
often referred to as liberal Islam and or moderate Islam.
3. What is Radical Islam
Since
September 11th, there has been a strong inclination among
conservativeAmericans and Israelis to construct the enemy as a
discrete, ideological and institutionalized actor called radical Islam
and sometimes, radical fundamentalist fascist Islam. Radical Islam is
imagined as a manifestation of Islam that is narrow,intolerant,
authoritarian, violent, anti-west, anti-democracy, anti-American and
anti-Israel. I too have been guilty of this generalization in an
article for current History in 2006. However since then we have noticed
several anomalies. Secular,progressive Muslims also often share several
of these characteristics with radical Islamists and there is no
definitive relationship between conservative and traditional Islam,
anti-Americanism and violence.
There is no doubt that there is
at present a very angry and viscous and growing tendency within the
Muslim World, but it maybe a mistake to put it in a box called radical
Islam. For example Hezbollah and Hams are very different from each
other, the former is Shiite, the later is Sunni, the former is
motivated by geopolitics, the latter is struggling for independence.
Neither shares theological or political goals with Al Qaeda. For
example Hamas has never targeted the U.S.also consider the Wahhabis and
Salafis, while al Qaeda sure is anti-America, not all Saudis, Kuwaitis
and Qataris, who share the same theology are anti-America or even
violent.
My humble suggestion is to consider the various trends
– political and theological– as options. Today there is nearly a
universal consensus in the Muslim world on three issues: [1] that there
must be political, social, normative, cultural, economic and structural
change. Muslims are struggling to respond to the challenges of
modernity and postmodernity, not to mention the global geopolitical
realities of the postcolonial world. [2] Most Muslims agree that there
is no security in Muslim societies; they are victims of terrorism and
war. [3] There is also a strong consensus that Islam must play a role
in the resurgence,reconstitution, revival,development and
transformation of the Muslim World.
I submit to you that all
these movements in the Muslim World, secular bathism, Islamism,
resurgent Sufism, the calls for Islamic democracy, for liberal
democracy and revolution are all attempts to cope with the relative
backwardness of the Muslim World, its tensions with modernity which is
driven by western culture and its inability to secure itself. Islamists
like secular and moderate elite have a vision to offer.
The
battle of competing visions will not be won through rhetoric and
discourse it must come through delivery. The vision that delivers
reform, change,empowerment and security, will win. So far Islamists
have done a better job than most in the Arab world unlike in South Asia
and East Asia. Moderate and liberal Muslims can win the battle for the
soul of Islam only if they are able to deliver. So far they have
failed. So far everyone has failed except for the radical who at least
hit back against those whom Muslims perceive as enemies.
Radical
Islam is an option that Muslims have turned to, due to the failure of
all other ideas, movements to deliver a stable, prosperous and peaceful
state and society for average Muslims.
Radical Muslims also
offer an explanation of global politics and recent history that
glorifies Islam, privileges Muslim tradition and sometimes is
consistent with a simplistic view of reality. For example the current
crisis in Lebanon goes a long way to convince Muslims that radical
Islamists are right when they say that Israel with the help of the U.S.
is out to destroy their nations.
Political, military, economic
and intellectual independence from the West has always been the
overriding goal of political Islam. However, the failure of Islamists
to achieve these goals in nearly a century, in combination with real
and perceived injustices committed by America and its allies against
Muslims has engendered an extremely vitriolic hatred of America in the
hearts of some Islamists giving birth to radical Islam. I like to call
these radicals as rogue Islamists, who are willing to do anything,
absolutely anything to destroy America and its power and will to
prevent the realization of Islamist goals. Rogue Islamists and their
hateful discourses are globalizing anti-Americanism and in the process
undermining the moral fabric of the Muslim World and corrupting the
Islam’s message of justice, mercy, submission, compassion and
enlightenment, not of war, hatred and killing.
Radical Islamists
are a threat to both America and Islam. Their discourses are corrupting
Islam and generating hatred against the West, modernity, America and
other Muslims whose disagree with them. Their most powerful weapon is
their ideas and their ability to convince Muslims to even give up their
lives in order to hurt America, Americans and American interests. While
America seeks security from the attacks by rogue Muslims and needs to
reduce anti-Americanism, moderate Muslims who do not subscribe to the
Islamists discourse seek to rescue Islam and innocent Muslims from the
corrupting influence of rogue Islamist.
A response to rogue
Islamists requires a complex strategy that above all must counter and
delegitimize the Islamists worldview and discourses and expose their
fallacies and the devastating consequences they could bring to Muslims
and the world by triggering a long and bloody global conflict between
America and the Muslim World. It is my contention that the best
anti-dote to radical Islam is liberal Islam. Liberal Islam can not only
challenge radical Islamist worldview using Islam as the foundational
idiom and also provide an alternate interpretation of Muslim reality
and a more positive vision of the future.
4. Liberal Islam and its Strategic Merits
It
is my contention that the best anti-dote to radical Islam is liberal
Islam. Liberal Islam can not only challenge radical Islamist worldview
using Islam as the foundational idiom and also provide an alternate
interpretation of Muslim reality and a more positive vision of the
future.
Moderates Muslims have a very idealistic view of the
Islamic duty of Jihad. They argue, based on a tradition of Prophet
Muhammad, that Jihad is essentially a struggle to purify the self and
to establish social justice. The highest form of Jihad, Jihad-e-Akbar
(The superior Jihad) is struggle against the self to improve and excel
in moral and spiritual realm. The lowest form of Jihad is the military
Jihad that is essentially defensive and constrained by strict ethics of
engagement. They correctly point out that terrorism, or Hirabah (war
against society), is strictly forbidden by Islamic scholars. They
however do maintain that Muslims can and must struggle for justice and
freedom while strictly obeying Islamic and international norms of just
warfare. For Muslim moderates Islam is a religion of peace without
being pacifist.
Moderate Muslims are critical of American
foreign policy in the Muslim World. They are also critical of the
prejudiced view of Islam in the West and in particularly among the
policy elite who are also quite ignorant about Islam and the Muslim
world. But Muslim moderates do not blame the US or the West or
modernity for all the problems in the Muslim World. They recognize that
the decline of the Islamic civilization preceded colonialism. They are
aware that the decay of free and creative thinking in the Muslim world
was not caused by western powers but came about as a result of internal
dynamics. Moderate Muslims are critical of the polemics against the
West, the rising anti-Semitism and the tendency to blame Israel for
everything problematic in the Muslim World and the growing intolerance,
sectarianism and authoritarianism in Muslim societies. Above all they
lament the intellectual decline of the Muslim World. Moderate
Muslims are also engaged in what is now referred to as the “battle for
the soul of Islam”. They argue that Islam is a message of compassion
and peace sent by God in order to civilize humanity and give human
existence a transcendent and divine purpose. They are aghast and reject
the use of Islam to incite terror, to justify bigotry and to
discriminate on the basis of faith, or gender or ethnicity. They
recognize that Islam has been appropriated by political and extremist
groups who are using Islam as an ideology to pursue a counter hegemonic
agenda both with the Muslim World and against the rest, especially
against the US. Moderate Muslims acknowledge the global problem created
by “rogue Islamists”. They insist that the false interpretations of
Islam by the Jihadis and their crusades are not only creating a global
fitna (crisis) but are also corrupting the essence of Islam and
worsening the socio-political, economic and cultural crisis in the
Muslim World. It is in the battle for the soul of Islam that
America and Liberal Islam share a common strategic goal and that is the
systematic dismantling and delegitimization of the discourse coming
from rogue Islamists that projects America as an anti- Islam crusader
power and Islam as an ideology of hate and violence. It is in the arena
interpretation and reinterpretation of global political realities and
religious texts and their contemporaneous meanings that the war on
terror will be won or lost. It is also in this contested realm that the
hearts and minds of Muslims can be won or lost. So far while moderate
Muslims are beginning to have an impact in this battle in America, they
are not even an important player in the Muslim world. American policy
makers must recognize the strategic value of liberal Islam and promote
and protect it. The interpretive battle the Liberal Islam wages is in three arenas: 1.
Providing an alternative understanding of world political and global
realities in order to prevent the perception that the war on terror is
a war on Islam. It also advances a vision of Islam that relies on
education and intellectual revival rather than military campaigns as a
means to revive and rebuild the Islamic civilization. 2.
Advance a liberal understanding of Islam within the Islamic idiom that
explains the compatibility of Islam and liberal values such as
tolerance, democracy and pluralism. 3. Deconstruct the Jihadi
discourse to expose the extremist tendencies behind their
interpretation of Islam and underscore the more compassionate and
rational dimensions of Islam. 5. Who is a moderate Muslim As
one who identifies himself strongly with the idea of a liberal Islam
and also advocates moderation in the manifestation and expression of
Islamic politics, I believe it is important that we flush out this
“religio-political identity”. Muslims in general do not like
using the term – moderate, progressive or liberal Muslim, understanding
it to indicate an individual who has politically sold out to the
“other” side. Others insist that there is no such thing as moderate
Islam, or radical Islam; there is “only one Islam” – the true Islam and
all other expressions are falsehoods espoused by the munafiqeen [the
hypocrites] or the murtads [the apostates]. Of course the unstated
politics behind this position is, “my interpretation of Islam is
obviously the true Islam and any body who diverges from my position is
risking their faith”. In some internal intellectual debates,
the term moderate Muslim is used pejoratively to indicate a Muslim who
is more secular and less Islamic than the norm, which varies across
communities. In America, a moderate Muslim is one who peddles a softer
form of Islam, is willing to co-exist peacefully with peoples of other
faiths and is comfortable with democracy and the separation of politics
and religion. Both, Western media and Muslims, do a disservice
by branding some Muslims as moderate on the basis of their politics.
These people should general be understood as opportunists and
self-serving. Most of the moderate regimes in the Muslim World are
neither democratic nor manifest the softer side of Islam. That leaves
intellectual positions as the criteria for determining who is a
moderate Muslim, and especially in comparison to whom, since moderate
is a relative term. I see Moderate Muslims as reflective,
self-critical, pro-democracy and human rights and closet secularists.
Their secularism is American in nature that is they believe in the
separation of church and state, but not French; they oppose the exile
of religion from the public sphere. But who are they different from and
how? I believe that moderate Muslims are different from
militant Muslims even though both of them advocate the establishment of
societies whose organizing principle is Islam. The difference between
moderate and militant Muslims is in their methodological orientation
and in the primordial normative preferences that shape their
interpretation of Islam. For moderate Muslims Ijtihad is the
preferred method of choice for social and political change and military
Jihad the last option. For militant Muslims, military Jihad is the
first option and Ijtihad is not an option at all. I jtihad
narrowly understood is a juristic tool that allows independent
reasoning to articulate Islamic law on issues where textual sources are
silent. The unstated assumption being when texts have spoken reason
must be silent. But increasingly moderate Muslim intellectuals see
Ijtihad as the spirit of Islamic thought that is necessary for the
vitality of Islamic ideas and Islamic civilization. Without Ijtihad,
Islamic thought and Islamic civilization fall into decay. For
moderate Muslims, Ijtihad is a way of life, which simultaneously allows
Islam to reign supreme in the heart and the mind to experience
unfettered freedom of thought. A moderate Muslim is therefore one who
cherishes freedom of thought while recognizing the existential
necessity of faith. She aspires for change, but through the power of
mind and not through planting mines. Moderate Muslims aspire
for a society – a city of virtue -- that will treat all people with
dignity and respect [Quran 17:70]. There will be no room for political
or normative intimidation [Quran 2:256]. Individuals will aspire to
live an ethical life because they recognize its desirability.
Communities will compete in doing good and politics will seek to
encourage good and forbid evil [Quran 5:48 and 3:110]. They believe
that the internalization of the message of Islam can bring about the
social transformation necessary for the establishment of the virtuous
city. The only arena in which Moderate Muslims permit excess is in
idealism. The Quran advocates moderation [2:143] and extols the
virtues of the straight path [1:1-7]. For moderate Muslims the middle
ground, the common humanity of all, is the straightest path. It
is my contention that the mainstream American Muslim community broadly
qualifies as an example of liberal and moderate Islam. They believe in
democracy, human rights, respect women’s role in the public sphere and
most importantly believe, practice and advocate religious pluralism. 6. What Role can American Muslims play in the War on Terror American
Muslims have an enormous potential to become an important ally in
America’s war against extremism. If consulted and brought into counter
terrorism planning they can help America become more effective, more
focused and more cost effective. These are the following areas in which
they can and could have played a major role: Threat Assessments and Threat Identification a.
American Muslims would have provided the administration with a more
accurate picture of the potential for threats from within the US. Their
analysis would have helped in making the Department of Homeland
Security a vastly smaller and more effective institution. b. It
is possible that the American government is unnecessarily spending vast
amounts of resources in surveillance of groups and individuals who may
not constitute threat and may actually be overlooking those who could
be problematic. American Muslim input on this subject can be immensely
useful. c. Many US policy makers continue to err in
understanding and predicting the behavior of Muslims groups and the
chaos in Iraq is a case in point. If American Muslims were involved in
the management of Iraq after the war, it would have been easier for
Washington to establish better communications and perhaps gain more
cooperation from various groups. Provide a Muslim Face to America a.
American Muslims could have given a Muslim face to America’s response
to September 11 and the feeling in the Muslim world that this is a
Christian-Zionist crusade against Islam would have been averted. b.
The Bush administration should have appointed a number of prominent
American Muslim sportsmen, such as Hakeem Olajuwon, and some Imams such
Imam Hamza Yusuf [American convert to Islam who is well respected in
the Muslim World] as special envoys of goodwill to the Muslim World.
The State Department is now attempting this in a less prominent way.
Prominent Muslim presence in America’s diplomatic and counter terrorism
endeavors would have gone a long way in not only preempting the rise of
anti-Americanism, but also in building trust between America and the
Muslim World. Human Intelligence a. A most important
asset that American Muslims can bring to the war on terror is human
intelligence, cultural insights, linguistic skills and experience and
awareness of the diversity within Islamic groups and movements. It is
possible that FBI, CIA and the NSA can access this resource through
recruitment. But voluntarily support in this area from the community
can be priceless. b. Many American Muslim scholars have argued
that Islam and democracy are compatible. The Bush administration could
have recruited several of them to make this case in Iraq and help
design the Iraqi democracy and write its constitution. Without a
significant input from respectable Muslim scholars, the Iraqi
constitution may not stand up to accusations that it is unIslamic and
written to make Iraq subservient to American interests. c.
Moderate Muslims opposed to extremism can also play a role in
undercover operations like that played by Mubin Sheikh in Canada and in
the Showtime serial – sleeper cell. Counter-radical Islamic Discourse a.
One important arena where the US needs its Muslim citizens is in
countering the anti-US propaganda. Both Islamists and governmental
media have launched a propaganda war against the US in response to its
war on terror. This anti-US media offensive is determined to focus on
US foreign policy excesses and failures. It also seeks to explain every
aspect of American policy as if it is serving only Israeli interests.
With American Muslims as spokespersons surfing the media and the
airwaves in the Muslim World, the US could have a better chance of
getting a more balanced view of its policies. b. American
Muslims can also counter the abuse of Islam by rogue Islamists and
undermine their legitimacy. American Muslim scholars have consistently
maintained that Hirabah (terrorism) is not Jihad and is strictly
prohibited by Islamic principles. They have also demonstrated how
suicide bombings violate Islamic ethics of self-defense and are not
legitimate instruments of Jihad. If the voice of American Muslim
scholars was given more attention, say through a White House sponsored
conference on Jihad, many of the moderate and liberal elements in the
Muslim world would recognize the fallacies in the Islamic edicts of
rogue Islamists and the scholars who support and justify their cause. Restore Balance to America’s Foreign Policy To
put it bluntly, American foreign policy lately has been a colossal
failure and even potentially dangerous to America’s interests. This
administration would do well to listen to some moderate Muslim voices
in shaping its foreign policy objectives and in determining tactics.
Except in the case of Israel, American Muslims have the same vision for
the Muslim World as claimed by this administration. American Muslims
too want wholesale regime changes and establishment of democracy in the
entire Muslim World. They too want to see the general human rights
environment improving and wish that prosperity and freedom would take
root in the Muslim World. The difference is that American Muslims would
recommend strategies that are more humane and involve less bombing and
killing. This administration needs American Muslims and it is time it
acted on this need and included them in its policy deliberations. 7. What can the U.S. do? a.
The U.S. must deliberate seriously on what kind of relations it wishes
to have with a religion whose adherents constitute nearly 25% of the
world’s population and include over 55 countries. Islam is also the
fastest growing religion in all sectors of the west, U.S. and Canada,
Europe and Australia. Islam is outside and inside, the US and the West
must find a way to coexist with Islam without constantly demanding
Muslims to abandon Islam. This is a very important issue for Muslims
since many see the U.S. as waging a war against Islam itself. This has
to be done at every level including government, media, and education. b.
The U.S. must not undermine the important goal of maintaining positive
USMuslim relations for short-term goals or for immediate expediencies. c.
The U.S. must improve its credibility. It must practice what it
preaches, fulfill its promises and certainly abstain from betraying
those who take risk at its behest and when motivated by it to pursue
democratization or social liberalization. After watching the way we
have handled the crisis in Lebanon and repeated requests for help from
the Lebanese Prime Minister, I am not sure anyone will be eager to
trust the U.S. in the near future. d. American Muslims are
America’s natural allies and the best community when it comes to
institutionalization of liberal Islamic values. The U.S. must embrace
and it and treat it as an asset rather than as a suspect. e.
The U.S. has to make goodwill gestures towards the Muslim World, and
that does not mean support for dictators are sell more arms.
Cooperation in areas of development, education and economic empowerment
will go a long way. f. Evenhandedness in its approach to the
Muslim World is absolutely necessary. Abandoning it especially in
moments of crisis is extremely detrimental. g. The U.S. must
rethink its relations with the Islamists and find ways and means to
work with moderate Islamists in order to empower them and isolate the
radicals. h. The U.S. must find a way to deal with the
Arab-Israeli conflict that does not undo years of diplomacy and good
work on the US-Islamic relations every time there is a crisis with
Israel. i. Muslims think that the U.S. and the West do not
value Muslim life and do not care for their human rights. The changing
of this perception will take a long time but the U.S. can begin with
Guantanamo and by recognizing that Muslims too have a right to defend
their lives, property and territory. j. U.S. foreign policy
since 9/11 has sought security for America and its ally Israel by
deliberately undermining the security of the Muslim World through
bellicose rhetoric, irresponsible aggressions and astonishing disregard
for Muslim lives. We must realize that we cannot feel more secure by
making others feel insecure. It is important that we work for the
security of all, including Muslim nations. This is imperative. U.S.–
Muslim relations will remain a critical component of global politics
for a longtime. They must be repaired and nurtured. There is no other
alternative. Dr. Muqtedar Khan is Assistant Professor of Islam
and Global Affairs in the Department of Political Science and
International Relations at the University of Delaware. He is a
Non-resident Fellow at the Brookings Institution. Dr. Khan is also
associated with the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding. He
has been the President, Vice President and General Secretary of the
Association of Muslim Social Scientists. He is the Editor-in-Chief of
the Muslim Public Affairs Journal and the author of American Muslims:
Bridging Faith and Freedom [2002], Jihad for Jerusalem: Identity and
Strategy in International Relations [2004] and the editor of Islamic
Democratic Discourse: Theory, Debates and Philosophical Perspectives
[2006]. His website is www.ijtihad.org
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