|
After 9/11, U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East made a U-turn on
democracy. Recognizing that stability - the policy goal until then -
was not guaranteeing security, the Bush administration committed to
promoting democracy in the Middle East, working under the assumption
that democracy is an antidote to terrorism. It may be right.
What
can be a more spectacular advertisement for the idea that democracy
makes politicians out of terrorists than the electoral victory of Hamas
in last week's Palestinian election? Since its formation in 1987, Hamas
has become the deadliest obstacle to U.S. and Israeli goals in the
region. In the Palestinian territories, Hamas is a quasi-state
providing several welfare services, such as running schools and clinics
and even providing local governance and security functions. It has
unleashed hundreds of terroraa attacks against Israel, including suicide
bombers causing heavy civilian casualties. It has, however, maintained
a cease-fire since February 2005.
Hamas' electoral victory,
though surprising, is understandable. First, it has been the only
Palestinian response to Israeli military and settlement building
operations for over a decade. Second, it has provided social services
that neither the Palestinian Authority - the recipient of U.S. and EU
aid and Palestinian taxes - nor Israel the occupier provides. Finally,
the unmitigated corruption of the Palestinian Authority, and the
inability of Mahmoud Abbas - the choice of the Bush administration to
deliver anything, governance or freedom - made Hamas a more attractive
choice for the Palestinians.
Hamas' victory is not only a
rejection of the corruption in the Palestinian Authority, but also a
reminder that the road map to peace has not alleviated the daily misery
and humiliation that Palestinians experience. The promise of peace that
the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza had generated has been lost, as
unemployment reached nearly 50 percent, and the territory hovered on
the border of chaos with the PA failing to provide law and order, and
also failing to launch any major developmental initiatives.
Hamas'
victory is not just a negative vote against the PA; just as Israelis
turned to Ariel Sharon after the failure of the peace process in 2001,
the Palestinians, too, have now turned toward Hamas after the failure
of the road map to peace in search of another alternative. The road map
has been such a failure that Israel under Sharon had already abandoned
it, to pursue a unilateral agenda of separation by withdrawing from
Gaza and building a wall between the two populations in the West Bank.
Both
Washington and Tel Aviv have expressed dismay and concern at this turn
of events, and are lamenting the loss of a peace partner. While
Condoleezza Rice has expressed U.S. willingness to continue working
with Mahmoud Abbas on all matters including the peace process, Israel
has repeated its unwillingness to work with Hamas. Israel and the U.S.
maintain that as long as Hamas' goal remains the destruction of Israel,
it cannot be a partner in a peace process it explicitly rejects.
While
I recognize the potentially explosive situation with Hamas, I humbly
submit that Hamas' victory may very well prove to be beneficial to all
concerned parties. It is common wisdom that a peace deal acceptable to
Likud is acceptable to all in the U.S. and Israel. Similarly, a peace
deal acceptable to Hamas will be acceptable to all in the Arab and
Muslim world. Will an organization committed to Israel's destruction
negotiate? Hamas has always negotiated with the EU, the U.S.
[indirectly] and with other Arab interlocutors. The current cease-fire
in place since last February is a negotiated outcome. While the U.S.,
Israel and Hamas may wish to avoid negotiating openly, given their past
rhetoric, it is always possible to negotiate through proxies. EU and
Egypt can play the role of proxies.
Now, ironically, Israel
could have a real partner for peace, since Hamas can deliver what the
PA could never promise: an end to the nightmare of suicide bombers.
The
spoiler is now in the saddle, and will have to change its outlook, its
perspective and its politics if it wishes to remain in the saddle.
Israel and the U.S. must handle the situation prudentially, not
petulantly, and give Hamas the time and space to find a face-saving
means to alter its agenda and a route to the negotiating table.
Recent
statements by President Bush and Congressional leaders threatening to
cut off U.S. aid to the Palestinian government are counterproductive.
It looks as if the U.S. is punishing the Palestinians for taking calls
for democracy seriously, and will merely be one more thing that the
U.S. is doing to make Muslim life miserable. Moreover, Iran will step
in and fill the gap and thereby increase its influence and reduce U.S.
influence on the new Palestinian government.
Hamas has
promised to provide clean and efficient governance, and they cannot do
so without day-to-day cooperation with Israel. So far it has relied on
funding from Islamist sympathizers in the Arab World to support its
limited activities. But to govern the territories it will need the
financial aid from the EU [$600 million] and U.S. [$70 million to $150
million], and the taxes that Israel collects [$50 million]. It cannot
be effective without the support and cooperation of all three players,
and hence will have to find a way to assuage Israeli fears and earn its
cooperation.
In a sense, Hamas' desire to become a political
player, and its electoral victory, is a victory for Israel. For the
first time, it now has direct leverage over Hamas. It can make Hamas
look inefficient and incompetent, and Palestinians who have high
expectations that their lives will improve may soon turn against Hamas
if its promises turn out to be as empty as those made by PA.
Hamas'
victory also gives great credibility to Washington's claim that it is
serious about democracy in the Middle East. It belies the Jihadist
claim that the U.S. is anti-Islam. After all, President Bush has not
only enshrined Islam in the constitutions of two nations - Iraq and
Afghanistan - he has facilitated the pathway to power for Islamists
first in Egypt and now in Palestine.
Nothing serious can
happen anyway until after the Israeli election in March. It is a good
opportunity for all parties to chill out until then, and ponder the new
realities. It will help if the decibel level of the rhetoric is kept
low. Hamas must maintain the cease-fire and focus on governance. Israel
must recognize that peace between Arabs and Jews cannot be piecemeal.
It will have to be peace between all Jews [liberal and conservative]
and all Arabs [secular and Islamist] in the area.
We now have another window of opportunity to make a breakthrough in this conflict. Let's not squander this one.
Muqtedar
Khan is a Fellow at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding.
He is also Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science
and International Relations at the University of Delaware, and author
of Jihad for Jerusalem: Identity and Strategy in International
Relations.
|