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The Bush administration’s newly released Quadrennial Defense Review
(QDR), outlining its defense strategy, forces, and weapons programs,
and its accompanying defense budget demonstrate that throwing money at
national defense won’t make Americans safer at home. This bloated
defense budget, already more than $500 billion per year (including the
expenses for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan), will be hiked by 7
percent. Yet most of that budget will not be spent on “defense,” which
is only a small part of the Department of Defense’s (DoD’s) budget.
Instead, most of the money will be spent on offensively-oriented U.S.
forces and enhance their ability to rapidly conduct imperial forays in
far-flung corners of the world, including the Middle East. Since
retaliation for such adventures is the reason terrorist groups strike
U.S. targets, Americans can expect more such attacks at home and
abroad. Even the new counterterrorism strategy of the Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff admits that ill-conceive military operations
could swell the ranks of terr
Although the first
responsibility of any government—including the U.S. government—is to
protect its people, U.S. taxpayer dollars are being used to promote
overseas empire at the expense of citizens’ security. Traditionally,
“threats” from abroad were used to plan U.S. military forces and the
strategy used to employ them. After the Cold War ended, however, this
approach went out of favor because most of the threats evaporated. The
continuation of massive U.S. defense budgets—U.S. expenditures for
national defense are equivalent to the total defense budgets of at
least the next 13 highest spending nations combined—had to be justified
by some other means. So the Pentagon moved to “capabilities-based”
planning. This slogan merely means that new weapons technology can be
developed and existing weapons can continue to be purchased, even
though no threat exists for them to counter.
For example,
the stealth F/A-22 fighter, the first squadron of which just recently
became operational, was designed to counter Soviet fighters that were
never built. Now the main threat to U.S. fighter aircraft is not
aircraft from other nations, but ground-based surface-to-air missiles
that can be avoided by flying around them. This program should have
been terminated long ago but is kept alive because it provides jobs in
many congressional districts across the country. Similarly, the U.S. is
building new classes of CVN-21 aircraft carriers, Virginia-class
submarines and DD(X) destroyers when the threat from other naval powers
is negligible. Yet the QDR eliminates none of these unneeded or Cold
War weapon systems, although the DoD has more weapons on the books than
it can pay for even with its massive budget.
The 9/11
attacks and the subsequent amorphous and unending “war on terror” have
allowed the Pentagon to justify higher defense budgets—including the
aforementioned weapons not suited to fighting terrorists or
guerrillas—to a security-conscious public for the indefinite future.
Yet such adversaries can be best fought with infantry, special forces,
and existing aircraft. The United States certainly does not need to
spend $11 billion a year on only a minimal defense against attack from
nuclear-armed ballistic missiles.
The more likely threat is
terrorists smuggling a nuclear weapon into a port on a ship, rather
than launching it on a missile that they don’t have the technology to
develop. In the QDR, the DoD promises to make homeland defense a
greater priority. But according to Lawrence Korb, a former assistant
secretary of defense, the reality is that the Pentagon spends more on
missile defense than the Coast Guard, which combats more likely threats.
Even
military systems that could be used in fighting terrorists and
guerillas need to be effective and cost efficient. The Marine Corps’
V-22 tilt-rotor aircraft—which takes off and lands like a helicopter,
but flies like a fixed wing propeller plane—has had development
problems, including many crashes, and significant cost overruns.
Although the aircraft would be good for hauling Marines fighting
terrorists or guerillas into remote areas with no airfields, the plane
should be cancelled because of its exorbitant costs and meager
advantages over existing helicopters.
Because of the
Pentagon’s capabilities-based approach, the QDR fails to assign
priorities to the few remaining threats. For example, what should be
the highest priority for scarce resources: countering the threat from
al Qaeda, the potential threat from an Iran or North Korea with nuclear
weapons, or the possible threat from a rising great power—such as China
or India?
In short, the Bush administration needs to match
its rhetoric with action, putting “defense” back into U.S. defense
policy and eliminating weapons that don’t fit that strategy. This
change in policy would make Americans richer and safer.
Ivan
Eland is a Fellow at the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding.
He is also a Senior Fellow and Director of the Center on Peace &
Liberty at The Independent Institute, and author of the books The
Empire Has No Clothes, and Putting "Defense" Back into U.S. Defense
Policy.
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